GLOBAL POLITICAL STRUCTURE: A COSMOPOLITAN FEDERATION
Seyla Benhabib promoters a cosmopolitan federation involving self-governing polities. This project can be articulated by having a global dispersion of sovereignty it doesn’t require the constitution of your global state. However, Benhabib’s emphasis is just not on the specific questions of global institutional design but on the paradox of democratic legitimacy implicit within this articulation of cosmopolitan norms along with democratic self-government. We can parse two dimensions implicit within this paradox at the core of your republican community, depending on whether many of us accentuate the “self” (the limits from the polity) or the “government” (the autonomy of its will) section of the concept. The first question involves who is entitled to decide about who is entitled to decide (full-membership) in a democratic process. Any demos has a level of closure. Otherwise it’s not at all possible to guarantee that identity from the co-legislators is coextensive with people who are subjected to regulations. This identity is key in the promotion of the civic engagement instructed to develop a common political project as time passes.
Benhabib considers that this specific goal is incompatible through an ideal policy of start borders, but it can also be incompatible with republican along with nationalist conceptions of unrestricted control over admissions. As full membership in a political community implies the access to goods, services, positions, along with resources, we could say that the cosmopolitan conception of just admission policies can also be a theory of global redistribution. Although there can be a link between poverty along with migration, and between everyone policies and resources, Benhabib states specifically the particular are different concerns which migration flows really should not be interpreted as the means to fix global poverty. Benhabib explicitly denies that international resource transfers similar to Rawls’s Duty of Assistance can automatically legitimate border closure by donor peoples and holds the moral and legal jobs toward migrant and asylum seekers has to be discussed separately from distributive norms. Regarding just membership in the non-state-centric global order, first admissions to residency must be regulated through selection criteria not depending on ascriptive grounds like girl or boy, race, or ethnicity. The transition to full membership must be made according to clear, public, and transparent procedures is actually authorities can be placed accountable. The second question points towards the precommitment to cosmopolitan expectations like human rights, whose validity is conceived as independent from your democratic will that these people constrain.
This familiar tension involving constitutional liberalism and democratic state policies becomes significant for global justice in that it points to having a of justifying the structure of authority accountable for the enforcement of these kind of cosmopolitan standards. Benhabib’s procedure for these complex questions consists of admitting that the intrinsically paradoxical nature these problems defies any the priori analytical solution along with, consequently, adopting an “in media res” perspective. This means assuming your existence of “de facto” historical communities being a starting point, and building, through democratic iterations, imperfect approximations towards the regulative ideal. The end result of this vertical dispersion of sovereignty in a cosmopolitan federation is the disaggregated conception of citizenship by way of multiples spaces of self-government that will approximate conditions of egalitarian respect in a global scope.